IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


I  I.I 
11.25 


Ui|28     12.5 
■50  ■^™     H^E 

I  lis  illllM 


1.8 


U    IIIIII.6 


—    6" 


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7. 


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7 


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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corpomtion 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


A 


^^ 


•^ 


\\ 


V^ 


V 


■^> 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 


D 


7 


D 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommag6e 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurde  et/ou  pellicul^e 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  gdographiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


I      I    Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 


Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relid  avec  d'autr<3s  documents 


Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  reliure  serr^e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  int6rieure 

Blank  leavos  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  paut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajout6es 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  4t6  filmies. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  supplimentaires; 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  oxemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exempiaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  m^thode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquds  ci-dessous. 


D 
D 
D 
D 
D 
D 
D 
D 
D 
D 


Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag6es 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pelliculies 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  d6color6es,  tachetdes  ou  piqu6es 

Pages  detached/ 
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Only  edition  available/ 
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Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
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ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  6ti  filmies  d  nouveau  de  faqon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmi  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqu6  ci-dessous. 


10:; 


14X 


18X 


22X 


12X 


16X 


20X 


1 


26X 


3GX 


24X 


28X 


32X 


itails 
i  du 
lodifier 
'  une 
mage 


Tha  copy  filmad  hara  has  baan  raproducad  thanka 
to  tha  o*naroaity  of: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

Tha  imaoM  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
poatlbia  considering  tha  condition  and  lagiblllty 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spaclflcatlons. 


Original  coplas  In  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  Impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  Illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  -^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning    END"). 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


L'examplaira  film*  fut  reprodult  grAce  A  la 
gAnArosIti  da: 

Lio.  try  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

Las  Images  suivantas  >nt  it6  raproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compta  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattet*  de  I'exemplaire  fllm«,  et  en 
conformity  avec  las  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmaga. 

Les  exemplalras  orlginaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  ImprlmAe  sont  fllmAs  en  commen^ant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  termlnant  soit  par  la 
darn'^re  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impresslon  ou  d'lllustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
orlginaux  sont  fllmAs  en  commenpant  par  la 
premlAro  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impresston  ou  d'lllustration  et  en  termlnant  par 
la  darnlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — ^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
film^s  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  film*  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nicessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


rrata 
:o 


pelure. 


3 


32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

/  2.P 


HO] 


IN  TH 


SPEECH 


OP 


HON.  W.  T.  COLQUITT,  OF  GEORGIA, 


ON 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION, 


DELIVERED 


IN  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  TUESDAY,  FEBRUARY  17,  1846. 


WASHINGTON: 

ULAIR  &  RIVES,  PRINTERS. 
1846. 


The  Rei 

Affair 

Britnii 

termir 

Rbrogf 

consid 

Mr.  C 

addressei 

Mr.  Pi 

nny  kno\ 

tertained 

publishe{ 

he  has  rei 

fullest  CO 

purpose. 

which  ha 

people  hf 

is  dignific 

and  all  tl 

gon,  has 

It  would  I 

does  not  r 

he  has  of) 

have  been 

people, 

ahould  asi 

he  has  tali 

and  whir 

wronged  1 

cipitating 

lie  commi 

If  war  coi 

has  done, 

the  guara 

pared  to  d 

to  make;  \ 

tion.    He 

fame  by  pi 

laurel,  if  h 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 


The  Resolution  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign  i 
Affairs,  requiring  the  President  to  notify  Great  j 
Britnin  of  the  intention  of  the  United  States  to 
terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon,  and  to 
Rbrognte  the  convention  of  1827,  being  under 
consideration  in  Committee  of  the  Whole — 
Mr.  COLaUITT,  who  was  entitled  to  tlie  floor, 
addressed  the  Senate  as  follows: 

Mr.  President:  Not  professing  myself  to  hare 
any  knowledge  of  a  private  thought  or  sentiment  en  • 
tertained  by  the  President,  which  differs  from  those 
published  to  the  world ,  I  shall  give  the  measures  that 
he  has  recommended  my  support,  relying  with  the 
fullest  confidence  on  his  honesty  and  integrity  of 
purpose.  It  has  been  justly  said  that  no  Message 
which  has  ever  emanated  from  a  President  of  the 
people  has  met  with  more  general  approbation.  It 
is  dignified,  able,  and  peaceful.  All  that  he  has  said, 
and  all  that  he  has  done,  upon  the  subject  of  Ore- 
gon, has  met  a  favorable  response  from  the  public. 
It  would  be  a  libel  upon  his  character,  to  say,  that  he 
does  not  now  consider  what  he  has  done,  and  what 
he  has  offered  to  do,  the  best  that  might,  or  could 
have  been  done  for  the  interest  and  happiness  of  the 
people.  I  am  not  willing  that  his  political  enemies 
should  assert,  or  his  political  friends  insinuate,  that 
he  has  taken  any  step  that  was  not  duly  considered, 
and  which  he  does  not  now  approve.  He  is 
wronged  by  the  supposition,  that  he  is  secretly  pre- 
cipitating this  country  into  a  war,  while  all  his  pub- 
lic communications  breathe  the  language  of  peace. 
If  war  come,  the  fault  will  not  be  his.  In  what  he 
has  done,  and  what  he  has  qffered  to  do,  we  have 
the  guaranty  publicly  made ;  what  he  is  still  pre- 
pared to  do,  and  what  sacrifices,  he  is  now  willing 
to  make;  to  preserve  the  peace  and  honor  of  the  na- 
tion. He  is  !0  boasting  braggart,  seeking  to  win 
fame  by  plunging  the  country  into  war.  The  bloody 
laurel,  if  he  could  win  it,  would  ill  become  his  peace- 


ftil  brow,  the  olive  wreath  sits  more  gracefully 
upon  it.  He  has  not  been  borne  to  liis  present  high 
and  distinguished  position  upon  the  sighs  and 
groans  of  widows  and  orphans,  which  render  it 
necessary  to  finish  his  race  of  glory  in  blood  and 
carnage.  He  will  do  all  that  can  be  done,  consist- 
ent with  justice  and  honor,  to  preserve  peace.  Thia 
the  country  expects;  this  his  Message  proclaims; 
and  if  war  shall  come,  it  must  come  in  defiance  of 
his  honest  efforts  to  prevent  it  by  every  honorable 
sacrifice.  I  know  that  there  oi'e  misgivings  here, 
and  misgivings  in  the  public  mind,  which  have 
arisen  in  part  from  the  construction  placed  upon 
the  spirit  of  recent  correspondence  of  the  negotia- 
tors, but  particularly  from  warlike  speeches,  made 
by  friends  of  the  President,  who  are  supposed 
to  have  his  private  ear  and  to  speak  his  private 
thoughts.  I  raise  my  protest  against  such  judg- 
ment, while  the  Executive  is  in  daily  communica- 
tion with  Congress.  'NVTien  the  people  shall  find 
his  public  and  his  private  acts  in  conflict  witli  each 
other,  characterized  by  disguise  and  dissimulation — 
tb»  President  weak  and  vacillating — driven  from 
his  dignified  and  peaceful  position  by  inflammatory 
speeches  in  Congress,  it  will  be  time  enough  to 
convert  public  applause  into  public  reprobation. 

The  spirit,  feeling,  and  character  of  this  debate 
have  been  well  calculated  to  make  us  all  duly  con- 
sider not  only  ^le  question  itself,  but  what  may  be 
the  probable  result  of  our  final  action  upon  it.  The 
ardent  and  uncompromising,  stimulated  by  personal 
courage  and  national  pride,  have  drawn  rich  pic- 
tures of  tlie  future,  made  us  gaze  in  rapture  on  our 
laurelled  warriors  planting  the  standard  of  freedom 
on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  and  trampling  in  con- 
tempt the  foul  pretensions  of  an  ambitious  foe.  The 
prudent  and  the  cautious,  desiring  to  abate  the  kin- 
dling fires  of  war  lit  up  by  such  flattering  pr"senta- 
tions  of  national  glory  and  renown,  have  reversed 


4 


tlic  naintinp;,  mill  m.ikc  us  contemplate  scenes  of  !  nny  eumpromisc  with  Orriit  Rritain  as  to  boundary. 

desolation  and  woe.     Ravaged  coa.stn,  plundered  j  i  anprcliend,  .sir,  tiiat  when   tiii.H  issue  alone   in 

'  niaae,  you  will  liiid  the  i;rent  body  of  American 
people  in  I'avorof  ajnst  and  peaceful  arrangement. 
1  know  that  it  has  been  asserted  here,  and  else  wiiere, 
that  we  niuat  go  to  war  and  fight  before  we  give  uji 
one  inch  of  Oregon.  I  appreciate  highly  that  |)a- 
triotic  ardor,  which  urges  onward  the  citizen  and 
the  statesman  to  the  frank  assertion  of  national 
rights,  even  though  their  exti^iuled  claim  .should 
reach  tlie  limits  of  doubt  and  uncertainty.  Their 
errors  arc  iiardonable,  if  not  lovely,  because  eon- 


cities,  an  exhausted  treasury,  a  subverted  Govern- 
ment, have  been  the  figures  of  the  horoscope;  while 
we  have  been  made  to  stand,  amid  the  groans  of 
the  dying  and  stillness  of  the  dead,  to  look  upon 
the  country's  flag  trailing  the  dust  in  dislunior  and 
disgrace.  Without  permitting  my  feelings  to  be 
spurred  on  by  the  untamed  ardor  of  the  one,  or 
fettered  by  the  yielding  caution  of  the  other,  I  shall 
consider  this  question  in  the  spirit  of  firmness  and 
prudence. 

Is  Oregon,  in  tnith,  honor,  and  justice,  a  terri- 
tory of  the  United  States.'  Is  our  title  unques- 
tionable to  the  whole  country  to  the  54th  parallel  of 
latitude .'  Is  there  no  encumbrance  resting  upon  it.' 
If  we  respond  in  the  affirmative  to  these  questions, 
we  impose  upon  ourselves  the  necessity  of  main- 
taining these  rights,  regardless  of  consequences,  or 
subjecting  ourselves  to  the  imisutation  of  basely 
yielding  them  in  terror  of  Briiisn  power.  Let  the 
question  assume  as  many  aspects  as  it  may,  the 
whole  controversy  settles  here:  whether  there  be 
any  doubts  as  to  the  strength,  clearness,  and  justice 
of  our  title .'  If  there  be  none,  we  should  .support 
that  right,  "peaceably  if  we  can,  forcibly  if  wc 
nnist.'^ 

It  has  been  the  business  of  some  to  describe  the 
commercial  and  agricultural  importance  of  Oregon; 
while  it  has  been  the  task  of  otliers  to  depreciate  its 
value,  and  represent  it  as  unimportant  and  sterile. 
Its  value  does  nol'legitimately  enter  into  n  discus- 
sion involving  n  mere  matter  of  right.     If  every 
ucre  were  a  garden,  every  river  n  stream  of  wealth, 
every  bay  and  harbor  a  safe  and  prosperous  mart 
forthe  world's  mighty  commerce, — ifitue  not  ours, 
justice  demands  iliat  we  abandim  ouf  pretensions. 
But  if  our  title  be  clear  and  unquestionable,  unen- 
cumbered, to  the  whole  of  Oregon, — though  it  were 
n  waste  and  rocky  desert,  scarcely  inhabitable  by 
the  mountain  goat,  honor  commands  us  to  make  no 
surrender,  unless  the  title  first  be  cancelled  by  the 
last  will  and  testament  of  lln:  Ilftnublic.     In  the  dis- 
cussion of  this  question,  I  shall  divide  the  issues 
which  have  been  presented  in  the  debate.    In  my 
conception,  blending  the  question  of  notice  with 
the  asserted  claim  of  unquestionable,  indisputable, 
and  uncompromising  rigiit  to  the  whole  of  Oregon, 
has  placed  some  distinguished  statesmen  in  an  im- 
proper position  before  the  country.     Taking  the 
questions   together — notice,   and    uncompromising 
right  to  the  whole  territory,  to  be  asserted  now, 
and  enforced  hereafter, — leave  but  the  alternative  of 
war,  or  an  absolute  surrender  for  <car  of  war  upon 
the  part  of  the  British  Government.     Nobody  be- 
lieves that  such  unconditional  surrender  will  be 
made;  and  hence  the  question  of  notice  by  tluj  im- 
proper junction,  with  the  assertion  of  our  uncom- 
promising right,  has  been  resisted,  and  argued  as  a 
question  of  peace  or  war.     Divide  these  issues,  and 
we  can  all  stand  together,  the  advocates  of  notice 
as  a  peace  measure,  a  measure  of  unquestionable 
right,  sanctioned  by  the  express  stipulation  of  the 
treaty  itself.    The  whole  controversy,  then,  upon 
the  decision  of  which  would  rest  the  probabilities 
of  war  or  continuance  of  peace,  would  be,  whether 
our  title  to  Oregon  is  so  indisputable  that  we  could 
not,  without  a  sacrifice  of  national  honor,  make 


secrated  to  fiecdoni;  their  rashucKs  captivating,  be- 
cause it  is  the  heated  outburst  of  devotion  to  their 
country.     Their  most  daring  flights  of  oratory  are 
exciting,  becau.se  it  is  the  sparkling  spray  cast  be- 
yond ilii  legitimate  bound,  liy  the  heaving  waves 
of  honor  and  courage.     Iain  in  favor  of  the  notice, 
believing  it  e.  right,  unqutstioniilile,  peaceful,  and 
necessari'.     I  am  in  favor  of  an  honorable  treaty,  if 
such  can  be  niaile,  because  I  do  not  consider  our 
title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  so  clear  and  unencum- 
bered as  to  exclude   the  proiiriety  of  negotiation. 
To  say  so,  would  place  me  in  direct  opjiosition  to 
the  wisest  and  most  patriotic  men  that  have  everr 
by  their  counsels,  given  direction   to  the  onward 
march  of  the  Republic.     I  have  no  taste  for  hear- 
ing American  statesmen  make  uii  argument  favor- 
able to  British  claims  upon  the  northwest  coast  of 
America  while  the  title  is  in  controversy;  and  1 
shall  make  none,  I  am  sure.     It  is  enough  for  me 
to  offer  the  best  arguments  I  can  favorable  to  our 
entire  claim;  while  I  am  compelled  to  admit  that 
there  are  grave  questions  of  controversy  which 
fcn-bid  the  declaration  that  our  title  is  too  clear  for 
debate,  and  too  indisputable  for  negotiation.     No 
matter  how  strong  my  convictions  may  be  in  favor 
of  the  validity  of  our  claim,  I  am  too  well  acquaint- 
ed with  the  structure  of  the  hrman  mind  not  to 
concede  that  my  own  wishes  may  have  influence 
upon  my  opinions,  and  that  the  interest  and  wishes 
of  the  nation  may  strengthen  the  decisions  of  my 
judgment.     The  friends  of  a  claim,  whether  inter- 
posed by  individuals  or  nations,  are  rarely  found 
searching  arguments  for  its  defeat,  or  giving  full 
force   to   testimony  which  contests  its  validity. 
There  being  no  arbiter  to  whom  wc  can  submit 
the  decision,  upon  whose  impartial  judgment  we 
can  rely,  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  stand 
in  the  attitude  of  both  judge  and  advocate  in  their 
own  cause.     In  such  a  contest,  we  can  easily  fore- 
see the  improbability  of  an  agreement  between 
them,  if  each  insist  upon  the  full  extent  of  the 
claims  they  present.    Compromise  is  the  only 
means  left  for  a  peaceful  settlement,  and  if  thus 
fail,  the  victor's  sword  must  turn  the  balance  of 
justice.     I  should  have  rejoiced  that  this  Oregon 
question  had  been  settled  by  a  treaty  of  compro- 
mise; and  shall  still  feel  gratified  if  such  shall  be 
its  termination.    It  is  idle  to  boast  of  national 
honor,  and  vainly  imagine  that  it  consists  in  ad- 
justing for  ourselves  the  extent  of  our  rights,  and 
treating  with  contempt  the  claims  set  up  by  others. 
In  every  such  contest,  compromise  is  the  honor- 
able and  magnanimous  mode  of  settlement.     In  the 
affairs  of  private  life,  he  who  would  refuse  a  rea- 
sonable proposition  for  settling  a  dispute,  where 
there  existed  no  tribunal  to  adjudicate  the  ques- 


boundary, 
c  iiloiie  is 
Aincricnii 
iingimciit. 
elMcwliere, 
we  Kive  U)! 


llml 


i'»: 


citizeii  mill 
i)f  imtioiiivl 
lim  hhould 
ty.     Their 
c.uuse  eoii- 
ivaling,  be- 
ion  to  their 
oratory  arc 
ay  cant  be- 
viiii:  waves 
tlie  notice, 
ttcefui,  anil 
)lc  treaty,  if 
oiisider  our 
i  unoucuin- 
negotiatiou. 
pjiosition  to 
t  have  ever, 
the  onward 
ite  for  hear- 
nicnl  favor- 
.-est  coast  of 
ersy;  and  1 
oua;h  for  me 
irable  to  our 
0  admit  that 
.•crsy  which 
too  clear  for 
[iation.     No 
f  be  in  favor 
ell  ao.quaint- 
iiind  not  to 
ive  influence 
I  and  wishes 
sions  of  my 
hcthcr  inter- 
rarely  found 
r  giving  full 
its  validity, 
can  submit 
\ulgment  we 
States  stand 
)cate  in  their 
1  easily  fore- 
ent  between 
stent  of  the 
is  the  only 
nnd  if  this 
le  balance  of 
this  Oregon 
r  of  compro- 
■luch  shall  be 
of  national 
iisists  in  ad- 
r  rights,  nnd 
up  by  others, 
the  honor- 
ncnt.     In  the 
.■efusc  a  rca- 
sputc,  where 
;ate  the  qucs- 


B 


lion,  misrht  win  for  himself  the  character  of  nbsli- 
riate  and  fearless  courage,  but  would  forfeit  the 
|irnii(lrr  cliaracicristics  of  "  wisdom,  justice,  and 
moderation.'' 

There  are  sevorni  questions  of  international  law, 
to  expound  and  determine  u|ion  which,  our  own 
winM  statesmen  difler.  There  are  several  <|ucHti()ns 
of  facts  presented,  which  iXMiuire  careful  examina- 
tion, and  upon  which  honest  minds  may  arrive  at 
dilTerent  eonclnsions.  Is  disrovery  alone  a  suffi- 
cient foundation  for  title?  If  so,  must  the  discov- 
ery be  made  under  authority  of  Government,  or  is 
it  sufficient  to  have  been  done  in  the  prosecution  of 
individual  enterprise?  Will  gentlemen  say  that 
these  questions  are  so  well  settled  as  not  to  admit 
debate?  How  long  after  discovery  will  civili/.fd 
nations  wait  for  the  discoverer  to  occupy  anil  set- 
tle? Where  a  settlement  is  made,  what  must  be  its 
character  in  order  that  it  shall  enure  to  the  benefit 
of  that  country  from  which  the  settler  hails  ?  How 
distant  from  the  located  settlement  will  an  unques- 
tionalble  title  extend?  Are  not  these  grave  ques- 
tions, upon  which  wise  and  patriotic  men  nave 
and  may  continue  to  difler? 

The  honorable  Senator  from  Indiana  [Mr.  Ha\- 
NEOAv]  must  perceive  that  he  did  not  touch  these 
questions,  in  his  eloquent  speei'h  delivered  on  yes- 
terday. His  argument  assumed  the  question  set- 
tled; that  discovery  gave  a  good  title;  and  sought 
to  prove,  that  by  our  own  and  the  discoveries  of 
Spain,  the  title  was  in  the  United  States.  I  shall 
sustain  his  assertion  by  a  short  argument;  and  yet 
I  cannot  say  that  the  question  is  settled  beyond 
debate  or  difficulty,  either  by  law  writers  or  the 
tmiversal  usage  of  nations. 

Il  amounts  to  very  little  that  the  Senator  and  I 
should  say,  that  settlement  and  occiipftncy  arc  not 
nece.s.sary  to  n  perfect  title,  no  matter  how  strenu- 
ously we  may  insist  that  our  opinions  are  unques- 
tionable and  beyond  dispute.  Whenever  the  na- 
tions of  the  earth  shall  constitute  the  Senator  and 
myself  the  indisputable  expounders  of  internation- 
al law,  then  we  will  issue  authoritatively  our  opin- 
ions, over  which  none  shall  dare  pass  but  at  the 
foint  of  the  sword.  But  it  may  happen  that 
among  the  many  distinguished  minds  of  the  ]iast 
and  the  present,  the  Powers  of  Europe  may  chance 
to  pass  us  by  as  unquestionable  authority," and  our 
fixed  opinions  weigh  but  little  in  settling  long-con- 
t«sled  points  of  international  law.  When  gentle- 
men proclaim  with  so  much  emphasis  that  our  title 
is  imquestionablc,  they  certainly  intend  no  more 
than  to  assert,  that  in  their  opinion  we  have  the 
better  title.  In  favor  of  our  claim,  I  contend  that 
discovery  alone  gives  us  a  right  to  the  country. 
I  may  he  mistaken,  for  it  is  certainly  controvert- 
ed, that,  since  the  discovery  of  America,  discov- 
ery and  exploration  secured  the  title  to  the  nation 
making  it.  In  the  decision  of  a  case  repin-ted  in  the 
eighth  volume  of  Wheaton,  page  4(54,  the  learned 
jtiHge  says  that  "discovery  is  the  foundation  of  li- 
'  ties  to  land  in  America.  The  nation  making  the 
'  di,scoverv  has  the  sole  right  of  acquiring  the  soil 
'  from  the  natives, and  establishingsettlementsupon 
'  it.  With  this  princip'e  of  ri>;ht,  no  European 
'  Power  can  interfere.  It  is  a  right  which  all  have 
'  asserted.  The  relations  which  were  to  exist  be- 
'  tween  the  discoverer  and  tlie  natives  were  to  be 


'  ivgnlaled  by  thcmselvrH.     Wliile  the  (lifltrent  na- 
'  lions  of  r.ur(i|ic  respccird  the  ri;;lils  of  the  natives, 
'  as  occnpimls,  they  asserted  the  ultimate  dominion 
'to  be  in  themselves, and  claimed  and  exercised, as 
'  aci)nsc(]uence  of  this  ultimate  dominion,  a  power 
'  to  grant  the  soil  while  yet  in  the  possession  of  tho 
'  natives.     These  grants  have  been  understood  by 
'all  to  convey  a  title  to  the  grantees,  subject  oidy 
'  to  the  Indian  rirrhf  of  occnpaiiiy."     "Tlie  United 
'States  maintained,  as  all  olhi  rs  have  maintained, 
'  that  discovery  ga\  e  an  exclusive  ri^^ht  toextinguish 
'  the  Indian  title  of  occupancy,  either  by  purchase' 
'or  by  ciniques;   a  id  gave  also  a  right  tosuchnde- 
'gree  of  sovcri  iriily  ns  the  circumstances  of  the 
'  jieople  would  allow  them  to  exercise."     This. I 
have  conceived  to  be  the  doclriiu^  of  I  he  United  Slates 
and  the  niuions  of  Europe,     llecognising,  as  they 
do,  the  right  of  occupancy  by  the  natives,  it  seem- 
ed to  mo  to  exclude  the  necessity  of  selllement  in 
order  lo  complete  the  discoverer  s  title,  as  between 
the  nations  of  Europe.     Settlement  and  occupancy 
would  not  interfire  with  dominion  and  sovereign- 
ty, according  to  this  estalplishc'l  usage  among  Eu- 
ropean Powers.     Hence,  I  hne  supposed  the  Brit- 
ish Minister  did  well  to  place  his  principal  reliance 
upon  therightf  acquired  by  h  s  (iovernment  under 
the  Noolka  Sound  treaty.     Whether  that  treaty 
was  such  an  one  as  was  abrogated  by  the  war  be- 
tween Gn'at  Hritain  and  Spain  in  179G,  as  asserted 
by  our  Secretary  of  Stale,  may  afford  another  point 
for  discussion,  nnd  probably  of  doubt.    The  convic- 
tions of  my  own   mind  iwe  decidedly  in  favor  of 
(he  American  side  of  the  (picstion;  nnd  yet  I  am 
free  to  admit  that  another  may  very  conscientious- 
ly difler  with  me  upon  the  fact.     Treaties  do  not, 
i/jso  fdctn,  in  general  become  extinguished  by  war 
between  two  Cfoverniuents.  Those  treaties  particu- 
larly which  stipulate  for  territorial   arrangements 
and  national  rights,  arc  only  suspended  during  war, 
and  are  a'rain  revived  upon  the  return  of  peace, 
unless  waived  by  the  jiarties,  or  new  and  repugnant 
stipulations  are  made.     It  depends,  then, upon  the 
construction  we  give  to  the  treaty.     Viewing  the 
Nootka  Sound  treaty  as  a  commercial  treaty  only, 
by  which  commercfnl  privileires  were  secured  to 
Great  Britain,  1  insist  that  it  was  annulled  by  the 
subsequent  war.     Rut  making  due  allowance  for 
the  interest  I  feel  for  all  that  appertains  to  the  grow- 
ing insliluli(ms  of  the  country,  I  would  not  say 
unquesf 
it  dcbat 
Especially  would  I  express  the  clear  convictions 
I  of  my  own  mind  with  diffidence,  when  I  consider 
■  the  continued  relations  that  existed  lietween  Spain 
I  nnd   Great  Britain   upon  the  northwest  coast  of 
I  America,  and  our  own  treaty  made  with  the  latter 
j  in  1818,  prior  to  our  purchasiiis:  of  the  former  her 
!  title  lo   the   territory.     Though   the   tacit  acqui- 
!  escence  of  Spain  in  British  subjects  acting  after  the 
'  war  as  they  had  done  before  the  war,  could  not  re- 
'  vive  a  defunct  treaty,  if  indeed  it  had  been  annul- 
led; yet  our  seeming  recognition  of  her  rights  by 
'  our  own  treaty,  and  our  subsequent  purchase  of 
,  Spain  while  Great  Britain  was  in  their  unmolested 
'  exercise,  would  at  least  justify,  if  it  docs  not  re- 
,  quire,  that  we  make  some  sacrifice  for  a  pcacefui 
[  iuljusteient.     But  if  the  Noolka  Sound  treaty  be 
in  full  force,  while  it  constitutes  an  encumbrance  to 


that  this  opinion  is  so  unquestionably  correct,  that 
I  winild   neither  admit  debate  nor   compromise. 


6 


nur  tiilo,  it  dors  nni,  in  my  o|iinion,  interfere  wiili 
citliPi-Moveroinnly  "f  jiiriNiliclioii. 

Tlic.  urj!;iiiiKiii's  ciMiiiiiiii  (I  ill  ilic  letiors  of  Mr. 
Ijuclmiiiiii  lo  tin:  liiitish  Miiiistcr  on  tluH  lirancli  ol' 
tlic  sulijri-t  an-,  to  .s:iy  tin'  least  of  il,  .v/coll^'  if  not 
uimnsweraljlc.  Mr.  PalcLiiiiam  liiil  not  fjainsay 
their  trutli  nor  ilciu:ii  to  niake  to  ihrm  a  reply. 
Tiiat  tlic  construiiioii  wliicli  otir  Secretary  lia.s 
given  to  tlic  Nocitka  Sunnd  tr,  aty ,  i.s  coriect  is  alniii- 
dantly  strcni;tli(iit(I  Wy  the  action  of  tlie  liritisJi 
Government,  both  in  tlie  jirociirii]!?  and  acccplin:? 
that  treaty.  On  llie  Gili  of  May,  Mr.  Pitt  deliv- 
ered a  mcsMngc^  from  the  Kinu;  lo  the  House  of 
Coinnioiis,  in  which  it  is  said  that  "His  Majesty 
'  lias  rccriveJ  iiilnnnation  that  two  vessels  biilont;- 
'  mg  to  liis  Majcsiy's  siilijccls,  and  niivii;ated  uii- 
'  der  the  Briti.-.li  (la;;,  and  two  others,  of  whicii  the 
•description  is  not  suiricienlly  ascertaii.ed,  have 
'been  captured  at  !\ootka  Sound,  on  the  iiorth- 
'  western  coast  of  America,  hy  an  olficer  comniand- 
'  iuii;  two  Spanish  shiiis-of-war:  that  the  caru:oes 
'of  the  Dritish  ships  have  been  seized,  and  their 
'  officers  have  lieen  sent  as  prisoners  lo  a  Spuii- 
'  ish  port."  "The  captain  ot  one  of  these  ve.ssels 
'  liad  before  been  notified  by  the  ambassnilor  of 
'  his  Catholic  Majijsiy ,  by  order  of  his  Court,  who,  ' 
'  nt  tlic  same  time,  desired,  that  measures  might  be 
'  taken  for  pieveiuini;  his  Majesty's  subjects  from 
'  fre(|ueiitiii;,'  those  coasts,'' Ac.  In  consequence 
of  this  lino  of  eomininiiialion,  a  demand  was  im- 
mediately made  by  his  Majesty's  order  for  ade- 
quate satisfaction,  and  for  rcsiitulion  of  the  vessels, 
previous  to  any  ollur  discussion.  To  this  de- 
mand, the  Court  of  Spain  ^ave  information  that 
those  vessels  and  their  crews  had  been  liberated  by 
the  Viceroy  of  Mexico,  upon  the  supposition  that 
the  trespass  upon  the  riu:liis  of  Sjiain  had  been  com- 
mitted ill  i;,'iioraiice  of  tho.se  riRhls.  In  iiotieiiif? 
this  reply,  the  Kind's  message  declares  that  "  no 
'  satisfaction  is  made  or  oflered,  and  a  direct  claim 
'is  asserted  by  the  Court  of  Spain  to  the  exclusive 
'  rights  of  sovereignty,  navigation,  and  commerce, 
'  in  the  territories  anil  coasts  and  sea.s  in  that  part 
'  of  the  world.  Hi.s  Majesty  has  now  directed  his 
'  Minister  at  Madrid  to  make  a  fresh  representation 
'on  this  subject,  and  to  claim  sucli  full  and  ade- 
'  auuto  salislaclion  as  the  nature  of  the  case  evi- 
'  (lenlly  requires."  The  King  then  proceeds,  and 
asks  for  a  proper  armament  to  sustain  him  in  this 
movement.  It  will  be  seen,  that  while  Spain  as- 
serts her  exclusive  jurisdiction,  not  only  to  the  ter- 
ritories, but  to  the  comnierce  and  navigation  of  tlie 
seas  and  bays  bordering  the  entire  northwest  coast, 
that  neither  his  Majesty  nor  the  Ministers  for  the 
crownseriouslycontroverled  this  position,  demand- 
ingonly  adequate  redress  fur  seizing  llritish  vessels. 
While  they  negotiated  for  redress,  it  is  true  they 
were  careful  to  obtain  somelhing  inme — not  sorc- 
rcign/i/,  however,  but  the  jirivilcge  of  fishing,  Mnriffa- 
ting  and  /rai/in,?,  and  making  settlements  tor  tliose 
purposes.  If  tlic  British  Government  had  any  co- 
vert design  of  obuiiiiing  any  title  or  iieniianeiit  foot- 
hold on  the  northwest  coast,  it  was  concealed  from 
Spain  and  the  world.  She  had  no  title,  nor  does 
she  pretend  to  have  had,  anteiior  to  the  treaty  of 
1790.  Wliatwas  the  olijcct  of  this  treaty, and  liow 
much  was  gained  by  its  execution.'  The  demand 
upon  Spain  was  to  make  full  satisfaction  for  cap- 


turing Ihitish  vessels.  The  reparation  was  made, 
and  the  tnaty  executed  to  jirevent  future  diilicul- 
tics. 

The  King,  in  liis  address  to  Parliament  on  the 
26th  November,  after  the  trenly  with  Spain  had 
been  executed,  speaking  of  the  ud  jiislment  of  their 
diiliculty  with  that  Government,  said:  "  The  oh- 
'jccts  which  1  have  proposed  toiuystlf,  in  the  whole 
'  ol'this  tiansaclioii,  have  been  lo  obtain  asuilablo 
'  reparation  for  the  act  of  violence  cinninitted  at 
'  ]Sootka,aiid  to  remove  the  groiiiula  of  similar  dis- 
'  putes  in  future,  us  well  as  to  secure  to  my  subjects 
'  the  exercise  of  their  navigation,  commerce  and 
'  fisheries,  in  tho.se  ])arl.s  of  the  world  which  were 
'  thcsubjtct  of  discussion."  These  were  the  ob- 
jects of  the  treaty,  and  by  which  they  accpiired 
rights  never  before  claimeu  by  them.  On  the  14lh 
of  December  thereafter,  an  address  was  jiresented 
to  his  Majesty  by  his  faithful  Commons,  in  which 
they  .say,  "  that  they  are  eager  to  embrace  the  first 
'  opportunity  of  oll'ering  to  his  Majesty  their  cor- 
'  dial  iMingratulaticnis  on  so  satisfactory  lui  issue 
'  of  the  lat(!  negotiation,  which  lias  conliinicd  to 
'  these  kingdoms  the;  blessings  of  peace,  has  main- 
'  tained  the  iioiior  of  his  Majesty's  crown,  liy  pro- 
'  viding  an  aderpiate  reparation  for  the  violence 
'  whicli  was  committed  at  Nootka,nnd  has  secured 
'to  his  Majesty's  subjects  the  exercise  of  their 
'  navigation,  commerce  and  fisheries,  in  those  parts 
'  of  the  world  which  were  tlie  subject  of  di.scus- 
'  sion;  and  that  they  observe  at  the  same  time,  vvith 
'  i)eculiar  pleasure,  the  happy  prospect  which  is 
'  afibided  by  this  amicable  ariangenient,  avoiding 
'  future  occasions  of  misunderstanding  with  the 
'  Court  of  Spain,  and  of  preserving  that  harmony 
'  which  must  so  essentially  promote  the  interest  of 
'  the  two  countries." 

The  olijects  .iroposed  to  be  obtained,  and  the  ob- 
jects confessedly  attained  by  the  treaty,  made  no 
acquisition  of  sovereignty  or  soil.  They  gained 
somelhing  liy  the  treaty,  which  was,  the  uninter- 
rupted |)rivilego  of  fishing,  navigating,  trading,  and 
making  settlements  for  these  purposes.  So  well 
was  this  understood  in  the  Dritish  Parliament,  that 
the  opposition  members  contended  thai  it  was  a 
treaty  of  concessions,  rather  than  a  treaty  of  acqui- 
sitions. They  insisted  that  the  claim  of  Spain  U. 
exclusive  sovereignty  was  preposterous,  and  repu- 
diated il,  because  they  denied  that  (ii.scoreri/ and  ex- 
ploration umounied  to  such  right.  Mr.  B'ox  said, 
"  that  the  discovery  of  any  place,  and  making  it  the 
'  possession  of  this  or  that  King,  by  setting  up  a 
'  cross,  or  any  otliertoken  of  having  been  there,  was 
'  equally  exploded. "  "That  occiipancij  and  jwsses- 
'  sion  should  be  considered  as  the  only  right  and 
'title."  Having  these  views,  difiering  from  the 
opinions  I  have  expressed  as  to  the  discovery  of 
lands  in  America,  and  dilfering  with  his  o\yn  Gov- 
ernment in  what  they  admitted  in  the  discussion  wiili 
Spain  alioul  the  Musquilo  shore,  he  condemned  the 
treaty  as  a  treaty  of  concessions.  He  said,  "  Our 
'  right  of  fishing  extended  to  the  whole  ocean;  and 
'  now  it,  too,  was  limited, and  to  be  carried  on  wilh- 
'  in  certain  distances  of  the  Spanish  sellleinenls. 
'  Our  right  of  making  settlements  was  not,  as  now, 
'  ariglit  lo  build  huts,  but  to  ]danl  colonies,  if  we 
'  thought  proper. "  "  Surely  these  were  nol  acqui- 
'  sitions,  or  rather  conquests, as  they  may  be  consid- 


1  was  rnndc, 
urij  dillicul- 

lont  on  ihr 
Kpniii  lind 
iiciit  of  ilicir 
;  "Tlio  oil- 
ill  tlifwliolc 
ill  iitiiiiuililn 
iiniiiiltfd  lit 
'siiiiilni'diH- 
niy  sulijoclH 
iiiiit'i'ix  luid 
wliicii  were 
vtre  tlic  ob- 
ey iir.(|uired 
On  the  14th 
lis  |)i-CKcnted 
im,  in  wliich 
race  the  first 
:y  tlieir  cor- 
iry  iin  iasuc 
untinucd  to 
u,  hits  nmiii- 
wn,  liy  pro- 
tiiu  violenco 
hus  secured 
•ific  of  their 
ii  those  parts 
t  of  discus- 
le  time,  witli 
;ct  whicli  is 
lit,  iivoidiin; 
ig  with  llie 
lut  harmony 
le  iiitorest  of 

,  and  the  ob- 
ly,  miide  no 
.'Iiey  gained 
the  uninter- 
tiuding,  and 
:s.  So  well 
ianicnt,  that 
mt  it  was  a 
ily  of  acqiii- 
of  Spain  to 
s,  and  repu- 
n-ery  uiid  ei'- 
r.  fox  said, 
viakiiisit  tlie 
seltina;  up  a 
MUhcre,wuH 
!/  and  posses- 
ly  right  and 
ig  from  the 
discovery  of 
is  own  Gov- 
ciission  witli 
dcmiied  the 
said,  "  Our 
>  ocean ;  and 
ied  on  with- 
suttlements. 
lot,  as  now, 
oiiies,  if  we 
re  not  acqui- 
ly  be  conaid- 


•  ered,if  wearo  tojudjtcby  thetriunipliantlanpiagc 
'  roHjiecling  them,  but  great  and  iiuportuiil  coiices- 
'sions."  In  tlic  coteinporary  dtlmles  of  Parha- 
nicnl,  these  were  the  views  presented  by  the  Crown, 
Ministers,  and  llie  Opposition — neither  clainiing 
soil  or  jurisdiction  by  the  convention  of  1790. 

Anoilicr  fact,  wliich  may  give  force  to  tliis  con- 
struction, and  which  affords  an  argument  in  favor 
of  the  Spanish  title,  is  the  universal  usiiM  of  all 
Europe,  until  the  sixteenth  century.  Tlie  Chris- 
tian religion  then,  as  now,  had  nuuli  to  do  with 
the  law  of  nations.  Spain  claimed  this  entire  ter- 
ritory which  is  now  in  dispute,  by  virtue  of  a 
grant  from  the  Pope.  When  the  grant  was  made, 
not  a  Power  in  Lurope  doubted  its  validity.  All 
acquiesced  in  its  propriety,  and  submitted  to  its 
binding  force.  The  Kumaii  Pontiff  was  recognised 
by  all  to  be  the  sole  disposer  of  earthly  kiiig(io:ns. 
Kings,  emperors,  and  sovereign  princes,  were  sub- 
ject to  this  Apostolic  Court.  Their  crowns  they 
received  from  his  hands,  and  their  possessions 
were  held  by  his  grants.  From  the  time  when  this 
grant  was  made  to  Spain  in  14!)3,  until  the  Refor- 
mation by  Luther  in  the  sixteenth  century,  no 
European  Power  ever  doubted  the  right  of  S|)ain 
to  the  country.  This  question,  then,  arises:  Can 
England  now  dispute  the  validity  of  a  grant  which 
she  acknowledged,  which  all  Christendom  acknow- 
ledged, was  valid  by  the  law  of  nations  at  tlie  time 
of  its  execution?  Can  she  now,  because  she  has 
changed  her  religion,  annul  grants  made  by  the 
Pope,  while  she  ptill  enjoys  doniinion  derived  from 
the  same  authority.'  The  conquest  of  Ireland  un- 
der Hi^nry  II.,  was  made  by  express  grant  from 
the  Pojie.  Being  a  good  Catholic,  and  the  Irish 
being  in  their  belief  infidels,  he  asks  leave  of  the 
Holy  Father  to  make  this  conquest,  in  order,  as  he 
says,  "  to  extirpate  the  vices  of  the  inhabitants, 
'  and  bring  them  into  the  way  of  truth. "  "  Rogavit 
'  Papain  Miianum,  ti<  sibi  licerit  Hybernia  insulam; 
'  hoatUUer  intrare,  et  tetram  subjugarre,  alque  homi- 
'  ties  illos,  bestiales,  ad  fidem,  el  viam  reducere  verita- 
'  lis,  exterpalis  ibi  plantariis  viliorum." 

Ten  years  after  the  discovery  of  America  by  Co- 
lumbus, and  by  authority  of  the  Pope's  grant,  Fer- 
dinand assembled  the  most  eminent  lawyers  and 
divines  in  Spain,  upon  the  manner  of  taking  pos- 
session. It  was  by  them  determined,  tliat  as  soon 
as  tliey  arrived  they  should  require  the  natives  to 
subscribe  to  the  articles  of  the  Christian  faith,  and 
the  supreme  jurisdiction  of  the  Pope  over  all  the 
earth;  which,  if  they  did  not  do,  they  were  to  be 
reduced  to  slavery  by  fire  and  sword.  The  ope- 
rations of  Ojida,  under  these  instructions,  as  the 
servant  of  the  kings  of  Ciistilc  and  Leon,  I  need 
not  detail.  The  validity  of  such  grants  was  first 
contested  by  Elizabeth,  near  a  century  afterwards. 
Mendoza,  the  Spanish  embassador,  made  com- 
plaints aga  ist  Drake  for  sailing  in  the  Indian 
ocean.  To  this  complaint  the  ducen  replied,  that 
wlmtever  appeiu-ed  to  be  taken  by  robbery,  should 
be  restored;  out  as  for  commerce  in  those  seas,  the 
Spaniards  had  prohibited  it  "  contrary  to  Uie  law 
'  of  nations. "  "  That  she  could  not  persuade  her- 
'  self  that  they  possessed  any  just  title  by  the  Bish- 
'  op  of  Rome's  donation,  in  whom  she  ackiiowl- 
'  edged  no  prerogative  in  such  cases,  so  as  to  lay  any 
'  tie  upon  princes  who  owed  him  no  obedience." 


If  l)y  the  Reformation  the  law  of  nations  was  so 
far  rhiuiged  that  grants,  which  had  been  admitted 
valid  for  almost  a  century,  were  no  longer  binding, 
it  will  ncvertliclnss  lend  to  show  the  true  character 
of  the  procrcdiiiga  at  Noolku,  the  cause  of  the  dif- 
ficulty, and  the  probable  object  of  the  treaty. 

Upon  the  true  construction  of  the  Nootka  Sound 
treaty,  there  is,  however,  a  difference  of  o]iinioii 
among  our  own  sUitesmen;  and  I  must  suppose 
that,  if  we  dilTer,  whose  interests  are  identical, 
those  who  advocate  an  adverse  interest  will  not 
likely  admit  my  cons/riiclion  umiuestionable.  Cut 
if  tl.is  construction  should  be  admitted,  and  the 
decision  should  be  made  in  our  favor,  that  neither 
soil  nor  jurisdiction  were  acquired  by  Great  Brit- 
ain t )  aiiy  of  the  northwest  coast  of^  America  by 
the  IVootka  Sound  convention,  still,  if  the  treaty 
were  not  annulled,  there  would  at  least  exist  an  en- 
cumbrance upon  the  title  we  derived  from  Spain. 
The  uninterrupted  right  of  navigating,  fishing,  and 
trading,  were  beyond  question  secured  to  British 
subjects  by  that  treaty.  These  rights  would  con- 
stitute an  encumbrance  to  our  title.  To  rid  our- 
selves of  this  encumbrance,  we  assert  that  the 
treaty  itself  was  abro(;ated.  While  I  take  part  in 
urging  our  claim  to  t'le  whole  country,  I  cannot, 
I  dare  not  say  that  our  title  is  so  cletu-  and  so  un- 
questionable to  every  inch  of  it,  that  this  Govern- 
ment would  1)0  guilty  of  dishonor  to  compromise 
the  question  by  negotiation.  Let  it  be  borne  in 
mind  that  the  only  issue  presented,  the  determina- 
tion of  which  must  inevitably  produce  war,  is, 
tliat  our  title  is  so  clear,  so  free  from  doubt  and 
encumbrance  to  the  entire  territory,  that  we  can- 
not, without  dishonor,  submit  to  any  compromise. 
It  is  true  the  gentlemen  who  opjiose  all  compro- 
mise declaim,  they  "wish  no  war!"  "God  for- 
bid," they  say,  "tliat  we  should  have  war!"  "But 
then  we  must  have  every  inch  of  Oregon!"  "There 
must  be  no  negotiation!"  "No  compromise!" 
"The  British  must  leave  OreOTu!"  "She  can't 
fight!"  "We  must  have  it  all,  now  or  never!" 
"We  are  cowards  if  we  yield  an  inch!"  "And 
tear,  tear,  war  to  the  knife,"  unless  British  subjects 
leave  the  territory  without  delay !"  And  yet  they 
wish  no  war,  and  hope  for  peace.  To  me,  the 
language  is  strange  and  inconsistent.  I  shall  sub- 
mit no  argument  adverse  to  our  claims,  but  stand 
prepared  to  urge  nigumcnts  in  their  favor.  Our 
rights  have  not  suffered  in  the  hands  of  our  nego- 
tiators; they  have  shown  themselves  able  advo- 
cates, and  with  them,  for  the  present,  lam  content 
to  leave  them. 

But  I  may  be  permitted  to  ask,  what  would  be 
the  condition  of  our  Government,  in  the  estimation 
of  all  Christendom,  if  we  now  publish  to  th.i  world 
that  no  proposition  for  compromise  can  be  enter- 
tained? 

The  honorable  Senator  from  Indiana  [Mr.  Han- 
neoak]  read,  for  our  edification,  a  few  pages  from 
an  imaginary  history,  yet  founded  on  facts,  com- 
paring the  courage,  patriotism,  and  sufferings  of 
our  revolutionary  fathers,  in  their  mighty  struggles 
for  independence,  with  those  fears  and  apprehen- 
sions, entertained  and  expressed,  of  going  to  war  in 
]  84G.  He  recouii  led  the  battles  of  Lexington ,  Con- 
cord, Monmouih,and  other  bloody  fields,  on  which 
were  displayed  the  mighty  valor  of  American  urm». . 


8 


Tlif  nnmf.t  of  tlir  licrnrs  who  foiifjlil,  and  ihr  ^nU 
Inrit,  who  fill,  v ere  icciillcd,  to  shiiiiK^  llir  liniiil 
hnirls  of  io-(!iiy.  The  (hcila  of  daring  in  llii;  last 
war,  with  tlic  honored  iinnics  of  Anirriran  roni- 
nmnders  at  sea,  Wfrc  nicntiont'd  liy  llif  Ncnalor,  to 
rilir  up  to  Ntril'c  and  war  the  cowiini  Idood  of  dif;eii- 
f'ratc  sons.  Not  frehn^  iiiyHolf  capahlc,  if  I  (hired, 
to  spcnk  HI)  chiqiieiitly  of  deiiarled  worth,  1  may 
he  permitted  to  foMow  in  liis  wal<e,  and  tjivc  my 
Hineere  sanction  to  his  heart-slirrin;,' (hneription  of 
their  valor  and  arhievenientN.  I  eoneur  in  the 
enlogy  ho  has  ho  justly  delivered.  Kvery  TourtJi 
of  July,  the  o  tor  of  indeiiendence  finds  himself 
ehecred  on,  while  he  swelln  the  proud  anthem  of 
]irnise  to  iheir  memory.  I  Ic  is  rii;litj  we  are  more 
ubio  to  fight  now,  and  have  less  cause  throu<;li  tear 
of  war,  to  yield  anything  in  dread  of  I'ritish  power. 
1  have  no  apprehinsiou  ns  to  the  courage  or  abil- 
ity of  my  countrymen.  They  can  and  will  fight, 
when  honor  or  duty  calls  llieni  to  the  field.  They 
will  not  he  found  unworthy  of  their  illuslriiaia 
sires.  But  when  these  pages  of  hi.itorj  'which 
tlic  Senator  refers,  shall  he  read  by  jiosleiity,  has 
i'.  never  struck  his  mind  that  an  uiquiry  may  be 
made,  what  had  nil  this  to  do  with  the,  f|uestion 
in  debate .'  The  true  issue  ipon  which  it  seems 
these  chronicles  were  made  was  not  whether  the 
people  were  I'rave  and  able  to  defend  their  rights, 
mil  whether  the  fixing  definitely  an  vnsitlleil  un- 
determined hniindanj  Ijetween  two  nations  was  a 
proper  subject  of  negotiation.  This  the  Senator 
deincs;  ono  upon  it  has  read  us  an  eloquent  clia)i- 
tor,  exhibiting  the  all-conquering  spirit  of  our  fa- 
thers, that  it  may  stimulate  to  battle  their  degener- 
ate sons. 

Let  me  suppose  posterity  to  read  the  pages  of 
history,  which  shall  record  the  transactions  of  this 
country  in  reference  to  the  case  in  point.  They 
will  find  that,  prior  to  1790,  Driiish  Hnlijects  were 
.Tttcmptinf:  settlements  upon  a  part  of  the  coast  of 
Oregon.  In  that  year  Great  Britain  made  a  treaty 
with  Spain,  securing  to  her  subjects  some  rlglits 
there.  That  from  that  period,  irrespective  of  the 
war  of  1796,  her  subjects  continued  the  enjoyment 
of  those  rights.  In  1818,  the  United  States  recog- 
nised the  claim  by  making  a  treaty  with  her. 
That  the  next  year,  the  United  Strifes  piuxhased 
Spain's  title  to  the  territory,  while  Great  Britain 
was  in  the  pos.scssion  and  enjoyment  of  those 
rights.  That  from  that  time  untd  1846,  she  con- 
tinued their  enjoyment.  That  during  that  time, 
frequent  efforts,  which  failed,  were  made  to  de- 
fine a  boundary.  This  will  be  a  suiimiary  of  the 
pa^e  upon  which  may  be  written  the  entire  trans- 
actions. To  follow  the  example  of  the  Senator,  I 
will  !.  .y  that  is  the  first  chapter.  The  second 
chapter  shall  be  the  recoi-d  of  the  policy  he  recom- 
mends. It  declares,  first,  that  our  title  to  every 
foot  of  Oregon  is  clear  and  unencumbered,  and  is 
not  subject  to  debate.  Secondly,  that  negotiation 
and  compromise  will  be  national  dishonor.  And, 
thirdly,  that  Great  Britain  must  get  oft'  at  once, 
without  parley  or  debate,  because  we  are  the  sons 
of  fighting  and  conquering  ancestors.  How  will 
such  a  history  exhibit  our  justice  and  honor.'  How 
will  it  delineate  the  character  of  a  nation,  boasting 
of  magnanimity,  forbearance,  and  virtue.'  No 
matter  how  flimsy  the  British  claim;  it  should  bo 


treated  with  liecoining  rcHpnct.  The  action  of  our 
own  GovernmcMt  demands  it.  llcNpiicI  for  the 
best  men  this  coutitry  bus  ever  lioaNtcil  ri'i|Mires  it. 
ItesiHCt  I'or  ourselves  imperatively  commandH  it. 
Shall  we  nrn'nanlhj  pulilish  to  the  people  of  the 
United  .States  that  they  have  now,  for  the  first  lime 
in  thirty  years,  a  wise  and  patriotic  President, 
backed  l)y  an  unparidlelcd  Congress;  who  know 
their  rights,  and  will  fearlessly  niaintain  them? 
Shall  we  insist  that  those  ijreat  men,  whosi!  names 
are  written  upon  the  l)rightest  pages  of  our  coun- 
try's history,  were  either  igiioriuit  of  their  rights, 
or,  kiiowini;  them,  from  cowiuil  fear,  failed  to 
assert  them  ?  May  not  the  people  pause  to  in- 
quire, while  we  are  pulling  our  wisdom  and  pa- 
triotism, who  we  are  that  have  outgrown  the  chiv- 
alry and  fame  of  the  bravest  and  tlie  best?  May 
they  not  be  rude  enough  to  make  odious  compar- 
isons between  the  conduct  of  tlu^ir  old  tried  states- 
men and  the  resolves  of  those  who  are  struggling 
to  clamber  into  favor.'  May  not  such  an  inquiry 
excruciate,  rather  than  flatter,  our  vanity.'  If  wo 
pass  by  all  others,  the  whole  country  will  grant 
that  there  was  a  Chief  Magistrate  who  presided 
over  the  tlestinits  of  this  country  for  eight  years, 
whose  enemies  were  forced  to  admit  that  his  heort 
never  quailed,  that  his  nerves  never  jialswd,  !u  .  1- 
ther  asserting  or  def('nding  the  rights  or  honor  ot 
the  nation.  But  for  the  doubts  that  Itung  about  the 
question  of  boundary,  it  would  not  h.ne  passed  his 
Administration,  with  British  subjects  usurping 
American  dominion. 

This  Government  has  frequently  sought  to  set- 
tle this  Oregon  (|uestion  by  negoliation.  Liberal 
offers  have  been  made  for  its  adjustment,  and  met 
no  rebuke  from  the  American  |ieople;  but  now  we 
wish  it  established  that  negotiation  is  dishonor- 
able. The  President  is  to  be  censured  ft)r  having 
made  an  oflTer  of  compromise — censure  the  most 
dainntng — by  condemning  the  past,  and  giving  him 
iiistruc'tions  as  to  the  future.  Are  the  friends  of 
this  Administration  prepared  to  pass  .such  censure 
■  upon  it.'  Is  the  country  now  prepared  to  repro- 
!  bate  all  negotiation,  and  resolved  to  settle  this 
I  controversy  in  no  other  way  but  by  an  appeal 
to  arms.'  With  due  deference  to  the  opinion  of 
others,  I  think  not.  An  attempt  is  made  to  show 
that  the  President's  opiniona  and  feelings  are  in 
unison  with  tho.se  of  his  friends  who  deny  the  pro- 
priety of  negotiation  and  compromise.  For  this 
purpose  they  refer  to  his  Message,  which  declares 
our  title  "  clear  and  unquestionable"  to  the  whole 
of  Oregon.  They  argue,  if  the  title  be  unquestion- 
(ihle,  as  he  asserts,  then  we  are  bound  to  niaintain 
it.  They  insist  on  treating  this  declaration  aa 
though  the  President  considered  the  boundary 
fixed,  run,  and  unalterably  settled.  He  could  not 
have  been  guilty  of  sucii  an  absurdity.  He  could 
not  have  intended  to  be  understood,  m  a  strict  and 
legal  sense,  that  our  title  was  unijuestionable,  when 
he  knew  it  hod  been  matter  of  dispute  and  contro- 
versy for  twenty-five  years !  It  is  but  the  strong 
language  of  common  parlance — as.serting  our  claim, 
and  his  convictions  of  its  justice.  His  actions  are 
the  beat  commentary  upoii  this  language.  In  order 
to  have  an  undisputed  boundary  and  preserve  peace, 
he  offered  to  compromise  for  less  than  what  he  con- 
sidered in  ju.stice  we  had  a  right  to  demand.    No 


innttfrwhntooi 
ifl'er,  he  der-mi 

I  should  ha\ 
iTiitled  me,  to  I 
lion  properly  h 
tice.     But  the 
ludice   the  pul 

condemn  in 
make  a  treaty, 
iiry.  What 
laiin  to  Oregi 
if  prior  disco 
iirge  it  consii 
illier  internatii 
diuded,  I  I  111 
lis  in  jusiiie 
ilie  Executive 
[lort — a  siijppn 
■eivi!  to  be  th( 
ihominate  thof 
)  stir  up  seel 
aunts  cast  iijk 
•ngerness  for 
riiat  man's  pa 
inly  motive  fin 
IS  was  to  grati: 
iouthern  aid  to 
Texas  and  C 
uid  should  bo  I 
ions  of  public 
,'et  unsettled,  i 
latience  to  liav 
in  is  unsettle! 
!:  without  deln 
i)r  some  gciitl 
ome  reluctane 
very  iin  portal 
[Mr.  Hannf. 
[ratified  to  hav 
nns  for  liavin; 
hat  Texas  an 
iaitimore  con 
'unic  war;  tha 
oresaw  hr.  ,v 

I  must  laud  i 
iiie  that  Texa 
lie  Baltimore  i 
een  as  unforli 
lilted  in  sigli 
ildiers  to  niai 
but,  as  I  am 
■eat  may  hav( 
lid  patriotism, 
irtiinate,  inns 
exns  was  be 
inivention. 

[Mr.   1 1  ANN! 

0,  sir."] 

The  Senator 
oubtless  satis 

It  is  not  my 
Illy  desiring  ti 
Inch  "engen 

I  will  now  I 
istaining  the 
ive  notice  fo 
V'liile  the  pre: 
i."!  no  inducei 


w 


iinlli  r  v.'ImtrniisidpnitioiiH  indnrrd  liiin  to  miikr  llio 
ifl'rr,  he  (Iccnit'd  ilicni  viilid,  and  iictcd  up'iii  llictn. 
I  uliould  liiivr  liccii  jjliid,  hnd  rimimNlnni'iM  [icr- 
Tiiittrd  ttif,  Id  Imvccoiilliird  niyHclCli)  llicoiily  (|ui's- 
ion  pnipcily  licfdic  llif  Siliiiti — tin'  qiicstinii  iil'iio- 
ii'p.     Hut  tin:  rirorls  which  Imvc;  Ix'oii  nindf  In  prr- 
jiidicf!   the  piiljlic   mind  ii^rninst  lu'i^ntiiition,  niid 
•  I'ondrnin  in  iidvnnro  tho  I'rrsidcnl  it"  hv  should 
Miiiko  II  treaty,  Imvc  rendercti  these,  renmrlcM  iieees- 
iiry.     VVhiit  I  liuve  said  in  the  mlvocai'v  of  (uir 
liiiin  In  Orei;(in    has  lieen  ennfined  to  llie  ri^lit 
f  prior  diseovery,   sinrn  liy  that  alone    we   can 
iiri,'n   it    eoiisislently    to    panillcl    .51°   40'.      The 
ither  international  law  q'.HlionN  to  which  \  have 
Ihided,   I    1  matter   liow  decided,  wonhl   compel 
IS   in  jusiicc   to  nhridge   onr   ilaim.     I    pive   to 
ilu;  Exceutive  nn  lioneKt  and   disinterested   sup- 
port— a  snjppnrt  connected  only  with  what  1  con- 
rive  to  he  the  be.'t  interests  of  the  couinry.     * 
')ominatc  those  alteinpts  which  have  been   made 
I  stir  lip  sectional  jealousies,  liy  the  ridiciil.itis 
laiintH  east  upon   the  South,  ehar;i;ins  Iheni  wi'li 
ii^^erness   for  Texas,   and   aversion    to   Orefjoir. 
riiat  man's  patriotism  is  of  but  little  value  \vliise 
Illy  motive  for  supporting;  the  annexation    t'  Tex- 
s  was  lo  grotify  the  South,  or  to  found  a  claim  for 
loiithern  aid  to  carry  s.imo  other  me.isure. 

Texas  and  Oregon  are  both  natioiml  question-  , 
uid  should  be  supported,  aecordin;;  to  our  eon\ic- 
ions  of  public  good.  'l"he  boundary  of  Texas  In 
,'ct  unsettled,  and  we  have  exhibited  no  j^nat  iiii- 
utiencc  to  have  it  settled.  The  boundary  of  Ore- 
iin  is  un.scttled,  and  I  am  anxious  that  it  should 
le  without  delay.  Let  these  unjust  taunip  cease; 
or  some  gentlemen  who  make  them  exhibited 
nme  reluctance  to  give  their  support  to  Texas  at 
I  very  important  crisLs. 

[\Tr.  H.WNF.dAN  asked  leave  to  say,  that  h„  was 
[ratified  lo  have  this  opportunity  to  stale  his  rea- 
lms for  having  supported  Texas  with  reluetance; 
hat  Texas  and  Oregon  were  both  cradled  in  the 
iivltimore  convention,  and  that  he  anticijiated  a 
'unie  war;  that,  if  Texas  wai  acted  upon  first,  he 
iresaw  he  «■  ii.;  friends  would  act  towards  Oregon.] 
I  must  laud  the  Senator's  sagacity;  for,  if  it  were 
lie  that  Texas  and  Oregon  were  both  cradled  in 
le  naltimore  convention,  his  foresight  would  have 
ccn  as  unfortunate  as  the  militia  captain's,  who 
lilted  in  sight  of  the  enemy,  and  instructed  his 
ili'.icrs  to  march  on,  give  battle,  und  then  retreat; 
hut,  a.s  I  am  lame,  I'll  retreat  now."  Such  re- 
oat  may  have  exhibited  very  f^nod  foresight,  but 
f(rf  patriotisiTi.  This  sagacity  was  jieeuliarly  un- 
irtiinate,  inasmuch  as  his  reluctance  to  support 
LXas  wa.s  before  the  meeting  of  the  Baltimore 
mvenlion. 

(Mr.  Mannegan  spoke  out,  saying,  "No,  sir; 
»,  sir."] 

The  Senator  has  forgotten;  and  the  record  will 
oubtless  satisfy  him  of  his  error. 
It  is  not  my  jnirpose,  however  to  bandy  words: 
Illy  desiring  to  put  a  stop  to  such  sectional  taunts, 
Inch  "engender  strife  to  no  profit." 
I  will  now  offer  some  reasons  to  the  Senate  for 
istaining  the  President  in  his  recommendation  to 
ive  notice  for  terminating  the  existing  treaty. 
V'hile  the  present  treaty  continues,  Great  Britain 
IS  no  inducement  to  make  a  treaty  for  boundary. 


•She  puts  up  no  claim  to  rxiOiisivejurisdic  lion,  and 
she  can  thcrefori!  deiire  iiothiiii;  bitter  tliiin  the 
existing  treaty,  which  gives  her  joint  privileges 
with  us.  I'lUt  when  we  speak  ol'giving  nolicc,  wn 
are  told  that  we  shidi  thereby  close  the  avenue  to 
a  peaceful  arrangement,  and  leave  no  alternative 
for  settlement  but  the  sword.  I  do  not  fril  my- 
self capable  of  prediitins  vi'hiit  mayor  may  not  no 
the  certain  reHultofterniiniiting  the  treaty;  but  this 
I  do  know,  that  giving  the  notice  for  that  purjioso 
is  neither  a  just  iiiso  of  offence  nor  of  war.  It  is 
a  measure  iibsolutely  necessary  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  peace,  or  I  mistake  the  probable  result  of  a 
conflict  of  interests  in  Oregon.  The  ju-escnt  treaty 
wan  intended  to  be  temporary.  'I'be  treaty  of 
18IH  was  limited  lo  ten  years;  the  treaty  of  1837, 
to  exist  only  at  the  pleasure  of  both  Governments. 
Wliy  was  the  fust  limited  to  ten  years,  unless  the 
'  legotiators  supposed  that  n  change  of  circum- 
'i  .-.I'-nces  would  render  it  improper  that  it  should 
""  .tiniie  longer?  Why  was  the  last  lo  exist  no 
I  uiger  than  its  propriety  was  sanctioned  by  the 
judgment  of  both  Governments,  iinles.<  the  ambas- 
smlors  felt  uncertain  as  to  the  time  when  a  com- 
mon interest  would  no  longer  justify  its  continu- 
ai'cr  ;  That  time  has  arrived,  in  the  opinion  of 
ihif;  Oovirnment;  and,  by  giving  iiotic.  ,  we  make 
this  public  declaration,  and  no  more.  If  the  two 
Governments  can  settle  the  question,  does  giving 
notice  interfere  with  negotiation?  This  cntitro- 
versy  has  been  continued  long  enough.  If  a  treaty 
can  be  made,  is  not  twelve  montlis  a  sufficient 
time  for  its  aeeinnplishmcnt  ?  Riil  the  fear  is,  that 
wc  shall  excite  the  ire  and  arouse  the  pride  of  a 
great  nation,  and  that  she  will  refu.'e  to  negotiate. 
[  should  certainly  very  much  regret  to  M'ake  up 
her  wroth,  and  incur  tier  displea.^ure;  and  would 
fiin  hope  that  she  is  not  so  quick  tempered  as  to 
be  ofTcnded,  when  no  cause  is  given  for  irritation. 
If  Great  Britain  desires  pcaoe,  nothing  is  more 
certain  than  that  giving  notice  under  the  treaty 
will  r.ot  offend  her  pride.  We  shall  do  no  more 
thiin  she  has  t)ie  right  to  do,  and  what,  she  well 
knows,  one  or  the  other  Government  must  do  at 
some  period,  sooner  or  later.  If  she  desires  war, 
this  may  serve  as  a  pretext  for  her  animosity;  and 
she  may,  doubtless,  with  an  affectation  of  insulted 
dignity,  refuse  to  renew  negotiations.  I  confess 
I  cannot  see  the  propriety  of  anticipating  such 
fastidiousness,  and  feel  no  disposition  to  honor  a 
temper  so  whimsical.  Great  Britain  is  not  yet  in 
the  condition  of  the  involid,  related  liy  RTr.  Wind- 
ham, "wlio  could  swallow  nothing,  and  even  that 
would  not  slay  upon  his  stomach;"  or  to  express 
it  more  classically, 

Nil  hnlaiit  Oorilii!!,  atinmon  inD^lix  ille, 
I'erilidit  tnliim  nil ! 

But  we  are  told,  when  this  country  shall  pro- 
ceed to  assert  her  rights,  that  war  is  the  result. 
To  my  mind,  this  argument  amounts  to  this,  that  the 
present  treaty  must  be  perpetuated,  in  order  to  pre- 
serve peace;  for,  according  to  the  argument,  notice 
will  produce  war,  whether  given  now,  or  ten  years 
hence.  We  have  had  many  years  in  which  to  ne- 
gotiate, and  the  question  is  still  unsettled.  Twelve 
months  after  notice,  with  the  attention  of  both 
Governments  called  directly  to  the  necessity  of  an 
adjustment,  is  still  before  us.    If  a  satisfactory  nc- 


10 


gotiation  cannot  be  made,  what  guaranty  have  we 
that  any  can  be  made  ten  years  hence  ?  If,  after 
years  cf  longer  deluy,  and  no  settlement,  we  should 
dare  intimate  our  will  to  determine  the  convention 
of  1827,  will  not  Great  Britain  have  as  mucli  right 
to  be  oiTended  then  as  she  has  now  ?  Will  not 
war  be  as  inevitably  the  result  of  giving  notice 
then  as  it  is  now?  What,  then,  must  be  done? 
Will  not  future  Senators  be  as  anxious  to  preserve 
the  peace  of  the  country  as  we  are  now?  Will 
not  war  be  as  desolating  in  1850  as  it  will  be  in 
1847  ?  Will  it  not  be  as  expensive  ?  Will  it  not 
have  the  same  effect  upon  our  form  of  government? 
The  answer  to  all  this  is  concentrated  in  the  reply, 
that,  by  that  time,  we  shall  have  colonized  the 
country.  Our  emigrants  will  have  filled  up  the 
territory,  and  it  v/ill  be  ours  by  population. 

Pass  over,  for  the  sake  of  argument,  the  conflicts 
which  may  arise,  and  whicli  it  is  almost  certain 
will  arise,  between  settlers  actively  seeking  the 
most  favorable  locations,  without  any  other  regu- 
lation than  claims  to  be  defended  by  force.  Let 
us  examine  a  moment  the  probable  results  of  ten, 
fifteen,  or  twenty  years  emigration  and  settlement. 
Suppose  that  the  most  sanguine  wish  of  tiie  friends 
of  this  mode  of  acquiring  Oregon  be  fulfilled,  and 
that  ten  years  hence  we  liave  in  that  country  ten 
times  the  number  of  American  citizens  that  there 
shall  be  British  subjects:  will  the  contest  be  thereby 
settled  ?  Will  the  question  of  national  right  be  ad- 
judicated by  the  number  of  the  population  ?  Will 
the  provisions  of  the  treaty,  wnich  are  to  be  con- 
tinued, be  superseded  ond  annulled?  Or  will  this 
Government  then,  from  a  consciousness  of  supe- 
rior strength,  which  slic  may  l)y  this  process  ac- 
quire, claim  as  a  right  what  she  dares  not  now  as- 
sert, and  resolve  to  defend  ?  I  will  not  believe  that 
this  Government  will  concede  anything  from  the 
fear  of  foreign  i)ower,  nor  will  I  grant  that,  having 
more  power,  she  would  not  be  as  generous  as  in 
the  days  of  greater  weakness.  Slie  would  not  dare 
claim  of  Great  Britain,  if  by  any  process  she  might 
have  the  advantage  in  position  or  in  power,  what 
she  did  not  unyieldingly  assert  when  the  advantage, 
if  you  please,  was  against  her.  Wo  should,  in 
that  event,  gain  no  just  advantage  by  the  delay. 
The  whole  question  would  still  be  open;  and  the 
same  arguments  for  peace  or  war  would  be  ten- 
dered to  arrest  its  final  adjustment.  Thus,  1  have 
looked  at  this  question  as  though  Great  Britain 
should  close  her  eyes  to  our  efforts  in  ponulating 
the  country.  If  you  can  satisfy  me  that  sne  takes 
no  interest  in  the  bays,  rivers,  and  harbors  upon 
the  Pacific,  then  I  may  conclude,  that  while  you 
are  artfidhj  peopling  the  country,  building  forts, 
occupying  ))osts,  and  disciplining  an  army  of  emi- 
grants for  future  operations,  she  will  idly,  with 
folded  arms,  gaze  upon  the  scene,  and  wait  the 
consummation  of  your  avowed  plan  of  obtaining 
the  country  by  population.  If  this  plan  were  to 
have  been  adopted,  it  should  have  been  executed 
stealthily;  for,  perhaps,  British  statesmen  may  profit 
by  this  public  avowal  cf  your  purpose.  While 
our  emigrants  are  going  to  Oregon,  travellinjrat  so 
much  risk  through  a  wild  country,  and  enduring 
so  much  hardship,  and  all  ot  their  private  cost,  it 
may  be  that  Great  Britain,  having  understood  your 
pohcy,  may  tliink  it  necessary  to  pour  in  thousands 


of  her  starving  subjects  at  public  expense.  The 
two  governments  may  make  a  colonizing  war;  and 
I  am  apprehensive  that  Great  Britain  would  have 
the  same  class  of  advantages  in  such  a  contest  as 
gentlemen  suppose  she  would  have  in  transport- 
ng  troops  and  munitions  of  war. 

But  lias  Great  Britain  at  any  time  needed  these 
promptings  of  wisdom  ?  Has  she  been  less  active 
than  this  country  in  the  lauded  system  of  "  master- 
ly inactivity?"  We  are  told,  that  she  has  the  ad- 
vantage at  this  time,  upon  the  score  of  prepara- 
tion !  The  very  existence  of  the  treaty  has,  in 
part,  enabled  her  to  throw  the  mifhty  energies 
of  Uie  Government  to  the  upbuilding  of  a  com- 
pany there,  that  has  outstripped  and  defied  your 
successful  competition.  If  she  has  beaten  you 
heretofore  in  tliat  system  of  policy,  which  you 
now  publicly  pronounce  is  the  wisdom  of  this  jegts,  and  h 
country  to  adopt,  con  you  reasonably  suppose  she  Jown-troddei 
will,  for  your  s])ecial  accommodation,  relax  her  ef- 
forts, and  permit  you  to  overreach  her,  in  prepar- 
ing for  a  future  breach.  I  confess  I  am  a  little  in- 
credulous as  to  the  soundness  of  this  calculation. 


hall  have  be 
lidfnt,  that  \ 
of  the  presei 
tilings,  that 
homes,  or  se 
headed  Gov( 
peace  can  be 
come:  shall  ' 
right,  in  itscl 
grasping,  avi 
and  com])cl  i 
pastime  ainu.' 
It  necessary  I 
to  this  her  1 
for  its  desola 
bIic  an  anxiel 
her  oppressi' 
and  h 


In  this  contest  for  pre-occupancy,  the  line  will  be  ^  ,^iere  prosp( 
drawn  according  to  the  advantages  at  present  pos-  rights,  she  w 


that  Great  Bi 
IS  we  have;  i 
to  the  sensibi 
ican;  and  coi 


wrong.    T 
coupled  with 


sessed.     It  will  be  unpleasant,  if  not  unsafe,  ior 

an  American  citizen  to  locale  north  of  the  Colum- 

bia;  he  will  be  surrounded  by  foreigners;  and,  asliiiaiieanislB 
a  matter  of  convenience,  comfort,  and  choice,  he  i|,e  colossal  n 
will  settle  anions;  his  own  countrymen  on  the  south  ^i^^i  j,er  wise 
of  that  river.  Ten  years  lience,  the  river  will  be  hazard  in  a  i 
the  dividing  line,  if  this  controversy  is  to  be  deter-  pjHi^i.  of  her  { 
mined  by  emigration  and  settlement.  power  and  si 

No  advantage  can  or  will  accrue  to  this  country  ^[^^^^     j„  ^  y. 
by  continuing  the  treaty.  The  pretensions  of  Great  nmd,  ^g  ,^,j 
Britain  are  growing  stronger  by  age.    The  strong-  through  cveri 
est  and  most  plausible  argument  offered  Ijy  her  ufactures  will 
Majesty's  Minister  now,  "for  a  partition  of  the  ej^  ],gr  sodti 
Oregon  territory,  is,  that  by  your  men  treaties,  you  ruined   capi 
have  allowed  them  equal  privileges  there,  and  tluii  forced 'to  sed 
you  have  smictioned  for  years  an  equality  of  rights  «nrld.     Tlie 
to  that  territory.    In  vain  are  they  told  by  Ameri- j^^titute  of 
can  statesmen  that  title  and  sovereignty  were  ex-  country  alone 
pressly  left  undetermined.    They  reply,  it  is  ton  caro-oes  for  h 
late,  after  having  admitted  them  to  etiual  rights  for  |,er  revenue 
a  quarter  of  a  century,  to  deny  now  that  they  have  IJiitain  conn 
any  rights  to  the  country.    This  is  the  argument  |,).sc  much   o 
and  upon  it  base  o  proposition  to  run  a  hue  giving  i),-,t  little.  '  * 
to  the  British  Government  the  most  valuable  hall  iVee  trade  wi 
of  the  country.  ^     ,     It  is  not  oi. 

If  length  of  time  is  now  the  argument  offeree  noid  war  bi 
as  a  reason  for  dividing  the  country,  the  soonei  T,-|,i,|j;  of  our 
we  terminate  this  copartnershii)  the  better.  By  y,  anil  disc 
delaying  notice  until  the  close  of  a  colonizatioi  nei-essity  to 
uar,  greater  demands  will  be  made,  and  1  irgci  md  provokii 
concessions  must  be  granted,  in  order  to  escnin;  tli(  r.f  cliiiiii  a.-*  ( 
horrors  of  war.  We  are  an x 

It  is  said,  with  great  emphasis  and  confidence'  ■iiizms  in  i 
that  Great  Britain  will  not  be  enabled  to  ce^lonizi  iVcedoni  am 
Oregon.  That  our  western  pioneers  may  be  bet  lubors  nf  tl 
tor  suited  to  this  region  than  British  subjects,  m,,|tj,  ,j,.,, 
shall  not  dispute;  but  that  Great  Britain  cmnc 
colonize  Oregon,  I  am  not  prepareel  to  admit.  I 
is  an  assertion  which  can  only  be  tested  by  tini  jroiirhiwsu 
and  effort.  In  the  mean  while,  our  rights  arc  to  h  |,jx  emire  co 
held  in  abeyance  till  the  solutiein  of  the  problen:  o  a  sini'le  iii 
I  am  ft'ce  to  admit,  that  we  may  have  war,  aftc  -rn]  rmnnier 
the  expiration  of  the  notice,  unless  the  epestieii  nould  rccciv 


Htwcv  on  1 1 
he  Kituatioii 


c  expense.  The 
onizmg  war;  and 
itain  would  have 
mcli  a  contest  as 
ave  in  transport- 


ime  needed  these 
e  been  less  active 
stem  of  "  master 
It  she  has  tlie  ad- 
score  of  prcpara- 
,he  treaty  has,  in 

mifhty  energies 
lilding  of  a  com- 

and  defied  your 

has  beaten  you 
olicy,  which  you 

wisdom  of  this 


11 


shall  have  been  settled ;  but  I  feel  still  more  con- 
fident, that  war  must  result  from  a  continuation 
of  the  present  treaty.  It  is  not  in  the  nature  of 
things,  that  A'ith  rights  in  common- -no  fixed 
iionics,  or  settled  titles  to  property ;  witli  a  double- 
headed  Government,  or  no  Government  at  all — 
peace  can  bo  long  preserved.  But  suppose  war 
come:  shall  we  refuse  to  exercise  an  undoubted 
right,  in  itself  legal  and  peaceful,  for  fear  that  a 
grasping,  avaricious  neighbor  may  take  ofi'eiice, 
(iiul  compel  us  to  engage  in  a  war?  Is  war  but  a 
pastime  amusement  with  Great  Britain,  that  makes 
It  necessary  for  us  to  be  careful  lest  she  invite  us 
10  this  her  holiday  sport?  Has  she  less  horror 
for  its  desolations  tlian  the  United  States?  Has 
she  an  anxiety  to  engage  in  such  a  conflict,  with 
her  oppressive  debt,  her  tax-impoverLshed  sub- 
,  jects,  and  her  millions  of  restless,  grumbling, 

lably  suppose  she  Jown-trodden  people?  Sir,  I  think  not.  I  believe 
(ion,  relax  her  ef-  ,i,at  Great  Britain  has  us  much  to  lose  by  a  wm- 
;h  her,  in  nrepar-  ^^  ^.g  have;  that  a  field  of  carnage  is  as  appalling 
ss  I  am  a  little  in-  to  the  sensibilities  of  an  Englishman  as  an  Ainer- 
f  this  calculation.  ;,,.,„.  ^„j  conclude,  that  if  u-e  reludantlti  hazard 
the  line  will  be  ^  mere  prospect  of  war  for  the  maintenance  of  our 
.es  at  present  pos-  nghts,  she  will  not  anxiously  seelc  one  to  enforce 
if  not  V''i'*'}fc>  tor  ^  wrong.  The  fear  and  strength  of  her  arms, 
rth  of  the  Colum-  coupled  with  the  sagacity  of  her  statesmen,  have 
Dreigners;  and,  as  ^j^Je  an  island,  through  its  commercial  system, 
)rt,  and  choice,  he  (|,(,  colossal  power  of  the  world.  I  canno'  believe 
ymeiion  the  soutli  iliat  her  wise  and  prudent  jtatesmcn  will  readily 
,  the  river  w-iU  bt  hazard,  in  a  war  with  the  United  States,  the  very 
;rsy  is  to  be  deter-  pjHt^r  of  her  greatness.  Stript  of  her  commercial 
>cnt.  power,  and  she  sinks  at  once  to  a  rank  with  Cor- 

•ue  to  this  country  ,ica_  j^  ^  ^^.jj,.  ^jjj^  fj^jg  country,  no  matter  how 
■ctcnsions  of  Great  much  we  may  suffer,  she  must  feel  its  effects 
^^'  ff  1  ^/"""J'S'  iliroiigh  every  avenue  of  her  interest.  Her  man- 
;iit  offered  by  lict  ufactures  will  be  paralyzed,  her  exchanges  arrest- 
a  partition  of  the  jj^  l,er  social  order  disturbed,  her  fundholders 
t,r  oton  treaties,  vou  ruined,  capital  diminished,  and  her  eminent  artists 
^es  there,  and  that  forced  to  seek  employment  in  other  parts  of  the 
n  equality  of  rights  ^orld.  The  internal  industry  of  the  kin<;dom, 
ley  told  by  Amen-  destitute  of  those  necessary  supplies  which  this 
vereignty  were  ex-  country  alone  can  furnish,  will  fail  to  supply  those 
ey  reply,  it  is  too  cargoes  for  her  commercial  fleets  which  constitute 
to  equal  rights  foi  |,cr  revenue,  her  riches,  and  her  power.  Great 
low  that  they  have  I'.ijtain  cannot  desire  a  war  in  which  she  must 
is  IS  the  argument  [D^e  much,  and  can,  if  eminently  successful,  gain 
.0  run  a  line  givuig  ii,.,t  little.  I  apprehend  no  war.  Commerce  and 
most  valuable  hall  iv,.e  trade  will  i>nvent  it,  if  nothing  else. 

It  is  not  only  the  policy  of  the  United  State.=!  to 
argument  olTerec  jvoid  war,  but  peace  with  all  the  world  is  tl«"  -ery 
)uiitry,  the  sooiiei  _r,.|,ii,j.  of  our  CiDvcrnniciit.  But  while  we  just- 
p  the  better,  by  y^  m,,]  disdiar-re  firmly  our  duty,  we  have  no 
!  of  a  colonizatioi  necessity  to  be  alarmed  about  ofleiuling  the  pride 
made,  and  large  md  provoking  the  wrath  of  any  Power.  Oregon 
order  to  escape  tin  f,e  cliiiin  as  our^i,  and  desire  the  boundary  settled. 
We  are  anxious  to  facilitate  the  enterprise  of  our 
lis  and  confiilenci  nizvus  in  planting'  firmly  there  the  standard  of 
enabled  to  colonjzi  tVcedoin,  and  of  uiifurliiic  her  fla^  on  the  bays  and 
meers  may  be  bel  narbor.s  ut'  the  Pacific.  While  European  Govern- 
Brilish  subjects,  ,,),,„(,(  ^.p  publi.^liing  their  edicts  about  balance  of 
i-eat  Britain  canno  lowir  on  this  coiitiiienr,  we  should  .scan  with  care 
lared  to  admit.  I  lie  situation  of  our  own  Rc|Hiblic.  The  extension 
/  be  tested  by  tiin  iCourhiws  and  institutions, if  they  werespread  over 
our  rights  arc  to  1)  |,j.s  entire  continent,  should  be  no  cause  of  alarm 
on  of  the  pro!)leni  „  ,i  sjngl.;  nation  of  the  earth.  With  five  and  lil). 
ny  have  war,  nfic  .rul  coinnicrcial  arrangonienls,  the  whole  world 
mless  the  questioi  nould  receive  the  benefit.    The  lesson  taught  by 


our  own  Revolution  should  instruct  England  that 
the  commerce  of  a  nation  of  fl-eemcn  is  of  far  greater 
value  than  a  country  bowing  beneath  the  fetters  of 
colonial  vassalage.  She  ought  to  hail  with  joy  the 
onv»\'rd  march  of  our  Republic,  the  progress  of 
free-ti.\de  principles,  and  the  establishment  of  our 
institutions  throughout  the  continent  of  America. 
Not  a  nation  on  earth  will  suflTer  peril  from  the  en- 
largement of  our  borders.  We  wage  no  war  upon 
their  forms  of  government,  while  their  prosperity 
V.';!!  be  increased  by  the  industry  and  energy  of  a 
people  stimulated  to  effort  by  a  consciousness  of 
freedom. 

Notwithstanding  the  advantages  that  would  ac- 
crue to  England  and  the  world  troni  the  progress 
of  our  Government,  her  ambition,  coupled  with  the 
launts  of  our  statesmen,  may  induce  her  to  wage  a 
war  for  a  doubtful  right  in  Oregon.     While  the 
leading  monai'chies  of  Europe  are  careful  to  pre- 
]  serve  the  balance  of  power,  it  is  important  that  the 
j  United  States  should  assert  all  her  unquestionable 
,  rights,  and  drive  back  every  unjust  encroachment 
upon  our  borders. 

I  I  foster  the  American  feeling  so  well  exhibited 
by  the  honorable  Senator  from  Ohio,  [Mr.  Allen-,] 
that  rebukes  any  farther  European  colonization 
upon  any  portion  of  the  continent.  While  v.isdom 
and  true  policy  may  forbid  speaking  in  the  authori- 
tative language  of  legislation,  the  ardor  of  my  feel- 
inijs  in  opposition  to  European  interference  in  tlie 
aflairs  of  eitlier  North  or  South  America,  their 
suppression  but  strengthens  the  resolve  to  assert 
fearlessly  every  right  which  justice  and  honor  will 
approve.  For  more  than  a  century  England  has 
been  seeking  to  establish  her  dominion  m  various 
places  in  South  An^erica.  Though  often  frustra- 
ted, she  has  never  abated  her  desires  nor  re- 
linquished her  hopes.  Every  position  she  could 
command,  bearing  immediately  or  remotely  upon 
the  commercial  interest  of  Spanish  America,  she 
has  occupied,  or  attempted  to  do  so.  Her  whole 
policy  has  been  unceasingly  directed  to  the  aug- 
mentation of  her  commerce,  whether  conducted  un- 
der the  garb  of  philanthropy  or  the  bloody  auspices 
of  war.  Spain,  that  was  once  the  clothier,  the 
armorer,  and  mighty  arsenal  of  alt  Europe,  has 
been,  l)y  British  alliance,  British  negotiation,  and 
through  fear  of  British  arms,  reduced  to  the  condi- 
tion of  Naples.  Her  looms  and  workshops  fell, 
her  navy  was  shattered,  and  her  commercial  imwer 
destroyed,  to  prevent  her  rivalship  in  English  en- 
terprise. English  blood  and  treasure  were  lavish- 
ed in  the  Peninsula,  but  to  destroy  her  wealth  and 
her  power.  Under  the  garb  of  friendship  she 
ke]it  Spain  under  the  donihiion  of  Ferdinand,  as 
the  surest  guaranty  of  the  nation's  wretchedness 
and  imbecility.  She  has  been  pensevcring  to  carry 
out  on  this  conliiunt  her  successftil  policy  in  the 
East.  She  entered  India  with  a  cargo  of  haber- 
dashery; in  thirty  years  made  herself  an  armed 
ally,  and,  in  less  than  seventy,  became  the  undis- 
puted sovereign  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  millions 
of  jieople.  Fostering  missionary  societies,  encour- 
aging the  '!ible  cause,  furthering  the  views  of  abo- 
litionists for  negro  einanci])ation;  she  lent  her  aid 
to  the  Diirbarian  Moslems  to  repress  the  striisjgles 
of  Christian  Greece.  Under  the  kind  pretext  of 
protecthig  the  Cephulonian  Isles,  she  held  a  posi- 


12 


tion  on  the  borders  of  Greece,  to  keep  open  to  her 
commerce  the  strnit  of  the  Dosphorus,  to  shut  out 
Kussin  from  the  vust  basin  of  tlic  Euxine,  nnd  to 
be  enabled,  by  passing  throuijii  the  Propontis, 
to  give  law  to  tne  Grecian  Archipclafjo  and  the 
Mediterranean  coasts.  Reckless  of  their  boasted 
love  of  liberty,  in  defiance  of  every  feeling  of  plii- 
lanthropy  and  Christian  charity,  at  the  sacrifice 
of  all,  to  cripple  the  rivalry  of  her  commerce, 
the  'naval  power  of  Greece  must  be  confined  l)y 
means  fair  or  foul  within  the  Pillars  of  Hercules. 
Russia  must  tread  lightly  upon  the  soil  of  the 
Turks,  and  listen  respectl'ully  to  the  Briti.sh  Minis- 
ter at  the  Porte,  while  he  declares  that  Great  Brit- 
ain will  not  be  an  indifferent  spectator  of  an  at- 
tempt u)ion  Thrace.  The  nefarious  plans  of  Mi- 
raiiutt,  and  the  proclamation  of  Picton,  stirrina;  up 
Cumanaand  Cnraccas  to  revolt,  are  strong;  testimo- 
nials of  her  un.scrupulous  designs  to  have  power 
and  control  in  South  America.  TJie  present  in- 
terference in  the  aflairs  of  the  Argentine  Republic 
is  but  the  renewal  of  a  determinatioi.  t  carry  into 
effect  a  policy,  in  which  heretofore  she  has  been 
but  partially  succes.sful.  While  she  was  cunning- 
ly courting  and  conciliating  Spain,  she  was  urging 
Chili  to  revolt,  with  the  liope  of  independence. 
Secretly  controlling,  or  giving  tone  to  tlve  councils 
of  Madrid,  her  generals  were  engaged  in  destroy- 
ing Spanish  authority  at  St.  Jago,  Montevideo, 
and  Buenos  Ayrcs.  She  sought  tlien,  and  still 
seeks,  to  establish  great  bastions  on  the  borders 
of  the  South  American  continent,  by  which  she 
may  command  the  commerce  of  the  entire  coast. 
Why  lier  present  armed  interference  at  Buenos 
Ayres.'  Can  there  be  a  justification  formed,  by 
which  she  can  stand  excused  in  the  eyes  of  the 
civilized  world .'  And  yet  everything  must  bend 
to  the  benefit  of  her  commcicial  policy.  With 
the  Archipelago  of  Chiloe  as  a  safe  rendei.  ous  in 
the  south  and  west  Pacific;  with  Trinidi  '  and 
the  mouths  of  Oronoco  and  Maragnoii  o.  the 
east  and  northeast;  with  Montevideo  and  Bi'>  •  os 
Ayres  on  the  southeast,  as  points  of  sui-veill^  ; 
with  the  Gulf  of  Paria  and  the  sea  to  Cape  Vt 
on  the  north;  with  Panama  and  the  Bay  of  Hon 
duras  on  the  west, — .she  will  have  possessed  herself 
of  the  most  important  commnrcial  jiositions  on  the 
flanks  of  the  continent.  It  matters  but  little, 
whether  all  these  points  be  included  in  her  doinin 


'  ions  or  become  dependencies  on  her  gunrdian.ship 
j  ihe  .«ame  object  is  accomplished,  and  the  same  rC' 
suits  must  fijllnw.     Her  efl'orts  to  prevent  the  an 
I  nexotion  of  Texas  to  the  United  States,  by  be- 
1  coming  the  mediator  with  Mexico  for  her  independ- 
;  ence,  nnd  placing  the  gallont  little  republic  in  a 
I  state  of  wardship,  are  all  manifestations  of  her 
'  mighty  and  unscrupulous  eflbrls  for  commercial 
j  greatness  and  power.    1  will  not  now  speak  of  her 
i  indefatigable  labors  to  obtain  commanding  influ- 
I  ence  over  the  counsels  of  Mexico  I     Amid  all  the 
!  convulsions  and  revolutions  of  that  distracted  re- 
I  public,  she  has  pressed  her  inlluence  to  profit  by 
I  Its  vicissitudes.  With  the  Senator  from  Oliio  [Mr. 
I  Allen]  I  feel  much;  and  the  whole  country  must 
I  feel,  while  these  great  projects  are  in  a  train  of  coin- 
!  plete  execution  upon  our  borders.  It  is  impossible 
i  to  look  with  indificrence,  while  the  chains  of  king- 
!  ly  power  are  drawn  around  the  arms  of  freedom. 
Is  11  a  time  to  parley  obout  the  assertion  of  un- 
questionable rights,  lest  wc  provoke  the  wrath  of 
that  terrible  power,  "  whose  morning  drum  beats 
round  the  world.'" 

We  must  not,  we  will  not  falter  in  taking  every 
justifiable  step  to  prevent  and  defend  our  own. 
%Vhile  we  refrain  from  thrusting  ourselves  into  the 
difficulties  of  others,  the  best  feelings  of  our  hearts, 
i  and  our  strongest  sympathies  arc  awake,  to  the 
wrongs  of  a  sister  repuulic.  With  these  feelings 
.swelling  the  American  breast,  we  are  not  likely  to 
be  more  forbearing  us  a  nation,  nor  more  yieluiiig 
as  a  Government,  than  honor,  and  a  proper  re- 
gard for  justice,  will  require  We  will  give  the 
notice,  aiid  leave  the  negotiation  with  the  proper 
authorities,  confiding  in  their  ability  and  willing- 
ness to  presei-ve  the  honor  of  the  nation.  There 
arc  but  few  people  in  the  Llnited  Slates  who  de- 
sire peace  at  the  sacrifice  of  national  honor;  and 
none,  who  wish  war,  for  the  sake  of  exhibiting 
our  prowess  in  arms.  The  more  just  and  liberal 
the  Administration  shall  be  found,  in  its  efforts  to 
preserve  peace,  the  more  will  the  aft'ections  of  a 
virtuous  people  clus  r  in  confidence  around  it, 
But  when  all  shall  have  been  done  which  duty  and 
honor  require  us  to  do,  if  Great  Britain  exacts 
more,  thousands  of  swords  will  be  found  glitter 
ing  in  the  uplifted  hands  of  a  brave  and  deter- 
mined people,  to  light  us  in  safety  through  the 
darkness  and  desolations  of  war. 


Iier  gimrdiansliip; 
and  the  same  re- 
to  prevent  the  an- 
3(1  States,  by  be- 
i  for  her  hidepend- 
ttle  republic  in  a 
ifestutioiis  of  lier 
s  for  comtncrciul 
no\"  speiik  of  her 
minuinding  iuflu- 
o!  Amid  all  the 
hat  distracted  re- 
lence  to  nrofit  by 
ir  from  On io  [Mr. 
ole  country  must 
;  in  a  trainof  com- 
9.  It  is  impossible 
he  chains  of  king- 
arms  of  freedom. 
>  assertion  of  un- 
loko  the  wrath  of 
rning  drum  beats 

er  in  taking  every 
defend  our  own. 
ourselves  into  the 
ings  of  our  hearts, 
ire  awake,  to  the 
"■ith  these  feelings 
e  are  not  likely  to 
nor  more  yielding 
and  a  proper  re- 
We  will  give  the 
1  with  the  proper 
bility  and  wiiling- 
ic  nation.  There 
'd  Stales  who  de- 
tional  honor;  and 
ake  of  exhiliitin;; 
■e  just  and  liberal 
,d,  in  its  ciTorts  to 
he  afl'ections  of  a 
idenee  around  it. 
ne  which  duty  and 
!ftt  Britain  exacts 
I  be  found  glitter- 
brave  and  deter- 
afcty  through  the 


